Personally speaking, I have waited eagerly for this article to appear as was promised early on by its author. I was curious to learn of a new, perhaps unique, case against Hindutva and how it would be made – not being satisfied with cases made by others against it so far.
Let us think about the initial thrust of Harsh’s case -
1. Hindu organizations conflate being Hindu with being Indian
** The presence of the Muslim Rashtriya Manch is confusing though
2. In the process of doing so, they transform the philosophical/religious content of “Hinduism” into a vacuous nothingness. Arun Shourie’s observations vide a Supreme Court ruling on Hindutva seems to back this conclusion
** Two exceptions in Savarkar and Golwalkar are cited – they, according to Harsh, make a more rooted and exclusive case for a Hindu nationality by somehow creating uniformity amongst Hindus to conform with what a modern nation would look like
3. This transformation takes place due to an eagerness to incorporate “non-Hindus” in Hindusthan into this ”Hindu nationality” and ensure they don’t resist the entry too much due to conflicting theological reasons
Now, before proceeding further, I would like to assert that all of the above conclusions the author draws are shallow and mostly baseless. Let me add that these false conclusions could be the result of a peculiar trait shared by most Hindu mass organizations – their lack of intellectual articulation. However, that cannot be an excuse for the author out to make a case against a powerful idea.
In order to articulate its goal of Hindu Sanghatan or philosophy of Hindutva, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh – the most powerful as well as the head of all Hindu organizations- likes to tell a story from the life of its founder Dr K.B. Hedgewar. It goes something like this -
One day some early comrades came to Dr. Hedgewar and vented their frustration. They said,
“Look, it is impossible to unite Hindus. By the time we’re done convincing some, the others drop off and then some others don’t like who we have on-board already. This seems to be an impossible and thankless job you’ve given us. What do you want us to do now?!”
Dr. Hedgewar patiently listened to them and took a stick. He drew many lines on the mud ground, looked up at his comrades and asked them;
“Is this what you see when you go out?”
“Yes!” They exclaimed, immediately connecting with their angst.
The good Doctor smiled at them and then just after the last line he had drawn, he drew a line that was longest of the bunch.
“What do you see now?”
The spirited but weary group lit up as the Doctor explained – “The longest line is our national identity. The short lines are all those identities you’ve experienced in your work. Our mission is not to erase the short lines but only to draw attention of all our people to that longest line – Then you will have Hindu Sanghatan.”
What Hindutva is is the philosophy that nurtures this principle of the long line over all those small lines.
The “nothingness”, the sense of “vacuousness” the author finds within the Hindutva narrative of Hindu religiosity is simply the inarticulation of the small lines. Let me confess that this negligence remains by far the biggest blunder committed by intellectuals of the Hindutva movement.
As the Hindutva movement grew stronger and witnessed alongside a comparable assertion of minorities – particularly Muslims; it seems to have made the decision to make a familiar overture to minorities from the Abrahamic family of religions. It appears to have told them to become one of those smaller lines – without losing their religious essence but also embracing a larger (Hindu) nationality as brothers. This overture was essential for two very important reasons -
1. The Abrahamic minorities were being frightened off by secular-liberals with the Hindutva bogeyman
2. These minorities as a matter of survival/power tactics exerted their energies to break the Hindu coalition by reaching out to individual Jatis/Janajatis
Therefore, it made eminent sense for the Hindutva movement to invite Abrahamic minorities to a table that hosted the numerous small lines of Hindu society and thereby hope to negate fissiparous tendencies.
Let me quickly close this part of my argument by saying that my above explanation clearly shows it is Hindu; and not any Hinduism, which is a misnomer anyways; that is a territorial concept, akin to being a nationality. This is historically accurate. And Hindutva would be the political philosophy that nurtures this nationality.
In the second phase the author wrongly assumes a probable disconnect between the Hindus of Hindusthan and people following similar non-Abrahamic traditions outside of our country. In the process, he badly misunderstands the nature of Dharma and its relation to diverse groups, their traditions, customs, norms etc. He stands it up against “expansive and universal” religions of the Abrahamic variety and wonders if the Hindutva movement would not make our Dharma even more inward looking than it already is – since it never was as universal as Islam or Christianity anyways.
Let us be clear that the nature of Dharma is certainly inward looking in that the effort is on cleansing one’s self and consequently living in harmony with our environment/nature. The fact that our Jatis and Janajatis with their diverse customs and rituals; their Gods and Goddesses, live side by side without treading on other’s toes, without dictating and imposing one’s acquired notions on their neighbors, in short, without being expansive; the fact that this has been our way all these millennia speaks of an inner, deeper transcendent truth or Dharma. I submit that it is this Dharma that meaningfully sustains our national life within Hindusthan and gives meaning to similar traditions outside of this country.
We are not in the numbers game, even though numbers are important. Hindus have traditionally not converted but incorporated. At this point in time, I would like to state a pertinent fact -
The only reason Islam and Christianity stand opposed to Dharma are their missions of expansion. There is no peace in their missions because they have no notion of harmony outside of dead uniformity. One either has to believe in the Son of God or God’s Last Prophet. We do not want to become that. Our mission is different – it is to harmonize. If for the sake of argument, Islam and Christianity would forsake their global proselytizing missions, in due course their followers would become Dharmic since the cessation of their outward expansion would turn their focus inward.
Therefore it is plainly silly to suggest that somehow Dharma is short changed by Hindu nationality and Hindutva. It is the duty of Hindutva to protect and ensure Dharma does not decay in Hindusthan, its cradle. Once assured of health, it can focus on driving home its unique message across the nations of this troubled world.
Coming to the third phase, the author focuses on the everyday anxieties of Hindu nationalists. The fact that they react to “minority communalism” with a matching “majority communalism” instead of taking the higher moral ground and ask for systemic changes nee the actual and real seperation of Religion and State.
I submit that there cannot be any meaningful separation of Religion and State in a multicultural polity wedded to Liberal Democracy and Universal Franchise. A reader who really reads the highlighted text closely should be able to grasp the truth of this statement. Even so, some illustrations are in order.
1. How does a state separated from religion – a Secular State – view conversions when one portion of its population traditionally does not convert and the other insists as its right, that it does.
2. How does a Liberal Democratic state wedded to the notion of equality reconcile with its commitment to special rights of minorities in a multicultural polity?
These problems are not exhaustive but obvious enough and need to be dealt with by any champion of seperation of State and Religion.
In the following lines the author inadvertently seems to acknowledge the above problem when he says even the liberal proposals of Hindu organizations such as demand for a Uniform Civil Code and the abolition of Article 370 pertaining to the full integration of Jammu and Kashmir with the Union of Hindusthan – hit the Wall of Liberal Democratic politics. I wished he addressed this Wall but instead he digresses to the need to abide by the court’s verdict on Ayodhya and withdraw communal legislation such as bans on conversions and slaughter of cows. More arrogantly the author places the onus of dealing with conversions to Abrahamic religions on Dharmic systems that are traditionally not equipped to deal with it.
So on the one hand we find no explanation for why even liberal Hindu proposals are being systemically scorned and on the other hand are being asked to give up traditional rights. Heads I win, Tails you lose.
In the remainder of his post, Harsh further embellishes the ridiculous notion that effectively says, unless Hindu organizations fold up all their political pretensions, they cannot expect improvement in the minority situation. Even Muslim feminists can’t seem to find their feet only because the Hindu movement also favors a Uniform Civil Code.
Well well.
This is perhaps the oldest rabbit in the liberal magician’s hat.
In closing, what we really need from Harsh is a solid, internally consistent argument or case against Hindutva or a similar case for Secular-Liberalism. As it stands, he has failed to give us either.
- Namaste
PS – Readers may want to peruse my case for a Hindu State